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Comments attributed to Shridath Ramphal :
” He maintained that “˜The knock on the door at night”™ is not within our regional culture; still less are intimations of “˜ethnic cleansing”™”.
“””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””“
Indeed indo-Guyanese are not native to Barbados in the context and history of our sovereign state, and I use ” indo” interchangeably with INDICS as used and defined by Professor Richard Allsopp. I am also checking for recent incidents that were both define as ” ethnic cleansing” by reputable sources, Shridath not included, and that was marked by deportation to another country, which viewed the deportees as they own.
If Shridath truly believe that ethnic cleansing is not indicative of our deepest nature, why would he enter any thoughts of such into the debate?
Maybe he does not see the Prime Minister of Barbados, as the leader of Barbados, for the article continues with Shridath saying
“”””””””””””””””””””-
” ” No Caribbean leader would countenance such departures from our norms and values; but all must not only believe, but also act as if they believe, that we forget our oneness at our peril; whether the “˜otherness”™ that displaces it is an accidental place of regional birth, or otherness of any kind.”
“”””””””””””””””””””-
When will Shridath, and Ricky Singh speak to Trini and Guyanese Indic leaders about the history of Apanjaat? Why did he and others not take Peter Wickham to task for his labored views as contained in his two articles Accident by Birth? Where he highlighted the depths of the divided between the two ethnic groups. Can Shridath honestly recall why he chose to live in Barbados rather than returned to Guyana? Professor Allsopp told us why he chose to live and die in Barbados, tell us Shridath why you would continue to live in a country that seemly display ” intimations of ethnic cleansing”
What oneness could he be musing about that exist in and with Guyana today? Certainly if I happen to run into Shridath I will seek an explanation from him as to what he really means. Any respect I might have had for him (as I do all older people nothing more nothing less) is now lost and must be earned anew.
Shridath speaks about oneness, that we forget or oneness at our peril, that an accidental place of regional birth can be displaced by ” Otherness”, and I am very mindful that although his speech was delivered in Trinidad, its intended audience was not. I insist that GUYANA AND TRINIDAD INDICS OUGHT TO HAVE BEEN THAT AUDIANCE.
Peter Wickhams tells us why.
Date September 06, 2006
Brief People & Things – Accident of birth (I)
by Peter Wickham
BY PETER WICKHAM
THERE ARE SEVERAL human characteristics over which a person has no control, and their race is one of them. I often thought it unfortunate that, in life, much of our good fortune and, indeed misfortune, is determined by such accidents of birth.
However, one can only hope that the close of this century can be characterised by an end to discrimination on all fronts. To be sure, discrimination is as much a part of Caribbean culture as the sun, sea and sand; hence, I frequently lament the fact that a region which was ” hatched” in an environment of discrimination appears so smug about its proclivity to demonstrate prejudice in all realms of life.
On this occasion, the focus is placed on the political arena, which is one in which there is a tradition of discrimination that is better known to those of us who live, or have lived in Trinidad and Guyana. In these states political decisions are often made based on these accidents of birth, while logic and reason are pushed aside.
In instances where discrimination is at the personal level it can be described as unfortunate, while discrimination at the national and political level is nothing short of tragic since this can – and has – impacted negatively on the development of a state and on the lives of millions.
The leader of the People”™s National Congress/Reform-One Guyana (PNCR-1G ), Mr Robert Corbin, is the latest victim of racial discrimination of the political variety. He is likely to be forced out of the Guyana political scene; however he can take comfort in the fact that he was not judged harshly because of his performance, but because of matters over which he has no control.
At the risk of sounding partisan, I am prepared to attempt a professional analysis of the outcome of the last general election in Guyana which dealt a heavy political blow to the PNCR-1G. The major factor that needs to be considered is the socio-political environment in which the last election took place. Central to this environment is the fact that the People”™s Progressive Party/Civic (PPPC) was anything but a rising political star.
That party peaked in 1997 when it gained 55 per cent of the national political pie, however in the 2001 election, the PPPC”™s political support dipped negatively to 53 per cent, which is an electoral swing that should be a clear indication of growing national dissatisfaction in an electoral environment based in PR, which is infinitely more sensitive to such shifts than our system.
The fact that the PPPC has now secured 55 per cent of the national vote is nothing short of remarkable and were this author involved directly in their politics, I would be asking some hard questions about this last election.
Shifts of this nature have occurred in Barbados in 1999; however the circumstances were entirely different, especially as it relates to the national economic environment. Guyana”™s economic environment is certainly not the best and has most certainly deteriorated over the past five years.
Moreover, there was no recent ” watershed” period during which the Guyanese people could be said to have been judging the PNCR-1G harshly. Guyanese voted in two elections since the PPPC was elected, hence any election held currently has to be seen as a referendum on their leadership, and a result like this appears to be an endorsement of their policies – which seems ” odd”.
Guyana is also currently characterised by a wave of crime which its government appears to have no control over and there is also mounting evidence of the extent to which the government is itself mired in corruption. The arrest of PPPC financier Roger Khan raised questions and the fact that the newly-appointed commissioner of police had his United States visa suspended added weight to these concerns.
Conditions like these should be enough to bring about a change of government, unless the opposition is totally incompetent, and this was not the case. The opposition ran a focused campaign which identified and addressed the many issues facing the country and further sought to force alliances which appeared to address concerns that the PNCR was exclusively a party for Afro-Guyanese.
In a situation where a party like this does worse, we can only assume that Guyanese voted in a way that was totally unrelated to issues. One does not have to look very far to realise the factor to which I refer, and it is sad that the continued underdevelopment of that country will be based on the accident of birth that made Robert Corbin African and Bharrat Jagdeo Indian.
In a political environment such as this, the only hope for the PNCR would be to identify a leader that shares their vision and also happens to be Indian. Yes, it”™s hard to believe this is 2006.
Peter W. Wickham (Wickham@sunbeach.net) is a political consultant and a director of Caribbean Development Research Services (CADRES).
Many things are definitely wrong in Guyana, and the silence from Shridath Ramphal, Compton Bourne, Ricky Singh, Norman Girvin, indeed the entire cabal of so called regionalists loudly proclaims their connivance to unleash on the islands a legacy that has been a burning necklace around the neck of Guyana. This willingness to offer silence on the continued political, RACIAL conflict and divide in Guyana indicts you all to shame and distrust amongst those of us to whom truth and speaking to and about that truth matter most. There is no “oneness” or “togetherness” in Guyana. The Herdmanston Accord (1998) demonstrated this very clearly. How successful was the implementation of all the intended commitments in that document? In 2005 Professor Richard Allsopp still felt compel to tell Barbadians why he left Guyana in 1963. In 2006 Peter Wickham still saw violence and significant racial divisions that led him to wonder if an Afric Guyanese would ever lead that country again. In 2008, The UN by way of the McDougall report spoke of violence, heard of rumors of state sponsored violence and murder, and significant racial divisions in Guyana. Now in 2009 we have one Shridath Ramphal seeking to pull wool over our eyes on the one hand to ignore a United Nations document, To ignore a Caricom document, to ignore the comments of a fellow regionalist, to ignore the personal experience and pointed reason for leaving Guyana by a well respected son of Guyana, all objective sources that singularly agree on what is Guyana today. On the other the hand he seek to lie about Caribbean oneness and togetherness. What may exist in the caribbean Islands does not exist in Guyana. What exist in Guayana must be kept out of the islands. Do not be alarm when an avarage bajan walks up to you in the Supermarket an ask of you if they are representative of a society that entertains “intimations of ethnic cleansing”
HERDMANSTON ACCORD (1998)
(iii) Among the matters to be addressed by the Constitutional Reform Commission will be measures and
arrangements for the improvement of RACE RELATIONS in Guyana, including the contribution which equal opportunities
legislation and concepts drawn from the CARICOM Charter of Civil Society can contribute to the cause of justice,
equity and progress in Guyana.
5. CREATING A NEW ENVIRONMENT
The political Leaders of the PPP/Civic and the PNC will issue a joint statement confirming their commitment to the
agreed process of dispute settlement and their resolve to avoid the use by or on behalf of their respective Parties of
language which is accusatory and which might have an inflammatory effect in the political context.
extract from the HERDMANSTON ACCORD 1998
“””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””“
IS THERE A REPORT THAT MEASURES THE PROGRESS OF THE INITIATIVES AGREED TO IN THE HERDMANSTON REPORT? OR SHOULD I USE THE MS. GAY McDOUGALL REPORT ?
AKA Report of the independent expert on minority issues 2008
“”””””””””””””””””””””
92. The Government and both political parties should take full responsibility to ensure
that decisions taken to resolve conflicts are fully implemented. In February and
March 2008, the National Stakeholder Forum was convened and brought together all the
parliamentary parties and a broad cross-section of civil society organizations. To date, this
process and the positive consultation and dialogue that it established, has not materialized
into concrete, institutionalized forms of cooperation and conflict resolution. The
independent expert recommends that the following decisions of the national stakeholder
process be implemented as a matter of urgency:
“¢ Establish as a matter of urgency a new Parliamentary Standing Committee on
National Security with ministerial representation26
“¢ Expedite the appointment of those constitutional commissions which are key
features of the governance framework and still have not been established.
Guarantee that those who are appointed as commissioners have credibility with all
communities
“¢ Convene and activate the Parliamentary Constitutional Reform Committee to
address issues presently before it and to examine further areas for constitutional
reform
“¢ Ensure the meaningful and effective participation of civil society in these
parliamentary processes
“¢ Explore an agreed mechanism for the continuation of the National Stakeholders”™
Forum
93. An open and constructive dialogue on inclusive governance, as envisaged in
the 6 May 2003 communiqué and the follow-up agreement of 18 June, remains an essential
component of a new political climate of cooperation. The Government should demonstrate
leadership by meeting the preconditions set in those agreements and initiating such a
dialogue with all stakeholders at the earliest opportunity. Included in the agenda should be
models used in other countries with deeply divided ethnic communities to encourage the
formation of multi-ethnic political parties.
“”””””””””””””””””””””””””””
Report of the independent expert on minority issues 2008 mission to Guyana
“”””””””””””””””””””””””-
I have noted that the Guyana State Party has objected to the report. How different is the findings of the UN report from the Herdmanston Accord? Ten year later the similarity is very stricking, and begs the questions has anything change? as the Herdmanston accord achieved its objectives? Did the Guyana state party object to the Herdmanston accord?
Mr Ramphal are you aware of any of these things? or has living in the land that intimates notions of ethnic cleansing blind you to the realities of your homeland?
Why I left Guyana Published on: 9/4/05.
by PROFESSOR RICHARD ALLSOPP
GUYANA”™S VASTNESS is legendary, but so is the undeveloped Sahara Desert”™s.
The size of its mineral wealth, much of which I hear is being clandestinely siphoned off, has to remain imagined.
But it is there, its natural beauty, which fully deserves the word ” fantastic” ““ and the Kaiteur falls for example, is the only thing I have ever seen which is worthy of the description ” awesome”.
All this interior beauty, islands, rivers and many waterfalls, are hidden from its population which is largely coastal and which has been reduced by emigration, for one reason or another, from about 850 000 to about 720 000 when the last elections were held.
It used to be called the ” Land of Six Peoples”, Amerindians, Europeans, Africans, East Indians, Chinese and Portuguese, these last being considered class-wise, non-Europeans.
That is a piece of social history.
Confrontation
However, when we were six peoples as a colony you can say we were happy people together, but politics, from 1953 to the present, has driven out the Europeans, the Chinese, the Portuguese; and since the Amerindians have always been marginalised, that has left a massive confrontation of the Africs and Indics.
I use the term ” Africs” to embrace all descendants and mixtures thereof, of the African Diaspora, and ” Indics” to embrace all the descendants of the indentured labourers who came from the Indian subcontinent.
You can”™t say ” Indian” today because India is a separate country. Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are all different countries.
So ” Indics” embraces them all and from all over the subcontinent, Guyana has had labourers and immigrants of one kind or another, for one reason or another.
More recently in terms of traders.
Let me recall therefore, British Guyana up to 1953 when the People”™s Progressive Party (PPP) was first elected to power, the pre-political Guyana, using the term pre-political to describe the era, the age of vibrant politics as we know it today.
Before 1953 politics was of very little public interest.
Cheddi Jagan came back to Guyana about 1949 and I think got his first political seat then.
Forbes Burham came back about the same time, and they both had had contact with the Socialist International in different places, Burnham in England and Jagan in
the United States.
Whatever superior or international powers they were, they obviously put these two men together and they did wonderful things for us all at first.
These were the days of euphoria, when, as from 1950 to 1953, we saw a horizon of beauty and sunrise because everything they said and did seemed so natural and correct to us.
Their meetings were crowded, they had also arranged for hoax meetings, a corner away from the Opposition.
We didn”™t realise it at the time, but there were some jokers who were not really serious contestants, who would hold meetings that would cause a lot of laughter and become amusing popular distractions about a corner away from where the other party, the United Democratic Party (UDP) was holding its meeting and really destroyed the attention of the crowds of the UDP; whereas PPP meetings were overcrowded.
Even in the rain, people would turn up with umbrellas listening to the wonderful words of Burnham and Jagan and their followers.
Many of them were professionally qualified, such as Clinton Wong, a young Chinese lawyer, and there were many others whose names I don”™t recall, but they were all well educated, very articulate and no jokers at all, and they spoke about issues which would concern us all.
Issues such as fairplay in employment, rights to property, laws that interfered with our liberty, especially labour laws and promised things that we all thought were obviously necessities.
Nothing stood in their way and, in 1953, they won 18 out of 24 seats.
To great popular applause.
But the music that we had been so charmed by in their public platform performances, was too good to stop.
So after entering Parliament (with a great display of marching down to Parliament in white shark-skin suits), they continued to hold public meetings on Saturday nights, or whatever, explaining to the public the difficulties they were having with the governor, the government, the permanent secretaries and all the senior administrative officers, and we were cheering and cheering not realising that they should be getting on with the business of government and managing those people who were giving them difficulties.
Well, we gathered later that Sir Alfred Savage, who was our governor at where black people would readily sell theirs to anybody.
At least that is our experience in Guyana.
Culture also divided the races.
My family lived next to an East Indian family, with whom we were extremely close; and at Christmastime they would send us a pile of beautifully made roti and curry, but we could not reciprocate with our own pepperpot, because they did not eat meat, that
kind of thing.
Although now, the whole country and much of the Western world are going for curry and roti as almost an international dish.
Christians were mostly Africs with very, very few Indics; and the Indics had their own religions ““ Hinduism and Islam ““ with temples and mosques, plentifully present in the countryside especially.
We played together, we sang and worked together. The vital fact is that we went to school together. There grew up, later I think, in my life, a set of Indic schools, but generally speaking, all schools run by the Christian church were without any
divisions of race.
All classes were mixed and all races were mixed.
When I say all classes were mixed, I mean that, of course, education was not marked by race and we all grew up admiring, and appreciating the academic merits
of each other.
However, the separatist propensities of the East Indian, almost naturally developed a label ” Apanjaat”, meaning ” one”™s own kind”, which the East Indian grew to understand from their earliest years and did not have to repeat it, which is an important point.
” Apanjaat” became a worry, mainly for the Blacks who had nothing to confront it with and the Africs are naturally given anyway to separation among themselves.
They do not group, or naturally accept or support each other, especially in the matter of shades of skin, something that does not really bother East Indians, or, if it does, not to any significant degree.
So you would not expect, in the era of the 1950s to “™60s, Africs to respond automatically with anything like ” vote for black people” or ” vote for Blacks alone”.
In fact, the counter movement of Black-Power, flowing in from the United States, was bitterly condemned by many Afric leaders whether in public, private or in the church.
” Apanjaat”, was also denied by some East Indians, but it has continued, in my view, to undermine the whole political scene, the whole socio-political fabric of Guyana, up to this stage.
Politics took hold of the implications of the voting power of this label, or understanding, or misunderstanding of East Indians. For it is more of an understanding than anything that the leaders have said.
The population of Guyana being divided racially with 50 per cent or more of East Indians and the rest mixed, with about 40 per cent actually black or Africs, that”™s the problem.
I would call Africs, all mixtures of the Diaspora, but you still have people who speak of themselves, or think of themselves as not African at all, nor would want to hear the word, (same as I think in Barbados, where you don”™t have the bother of the demographic Indic confrontation, and you are very lucky there).
Now ” Apanjaat” and socio-political attempts to counteract it, by the Guyanese Opposition I must say, have done so much damage over the last 50 or 60 years to Guyana, that unless Guyana can find a leader or, better luck, two leaders of the quality of Nelson Mandela, with a gift for overlooking ills and bringing people together; unless we can find at least one, preferably two, one from each side, we are going to divide that country as I see it.
That country is already emotionally divided in a bad way, and we might have to go politically that way too, if anything is to come of the potentialities of the country.
There is much more that could be said about racism, but I think that
I must leave it there. Against this background, I left Guyana as early as 1963 to live in Barbados!
That was before the debacle which drove so many more away to Barbados and elsewhere.